Author: Afro Spiritualities

The West is Dead: Re-imagining Global Order through Indigenous Autonomy and Interdependence

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My name is Martha Laraba Sambe. Before any titles or identities—those I claim for myself or those others may assign—the most important truth about me is that I am human, and this is the same for each of us here today; we are human, first and foremost.

I begin by expressing my sincere gratitude to everyone who made it possible for me to speak here today: the organizers, volunteers, funders, donors, and this remarkable museum, whose open doors welcome us all. It is a profound honor to stand within an institution that houses artifacts from my home country, Nigeria. I pay respect to the ancestors, lineages, and nations from which these treasures originated. In the spirit of Ubuntu, I recognize that our gathering today is possible because of those who came before us, the ancestors whose lives were fundamentally changed by Western imperialism.

I stand here to reclaim my ancestors’ time, to give voice to their silenced stories, and to demonstrate the meaning of resilience in the face of forces that have sought to dominate and erase our existence. If my words appear critical, it is because I carry the pain and anger not only of my own people, but also of many nations that have been pillaged across Africa and the world. Nevertheless, even as I speak from this place of pain, I commit to speaking with care, as nothing built solely on anger and pain can endure.

The history of Western imperialism is not a distant past; it remains an ongoing reality that shapes and influences every aspect of our lives. The theft of cultural artifacts was not merely about ownership, but about power—the right of colonized peoples to tell our own stories, to define and understand ourselves, our value systems, and the heritages that shaped our ancestral communities. The loss of these artifacts represents a rupture in the continuum of collective memory, pride, and shared identity among many Indigenous peoples.

Yet, we are not solely defined by what was taken from us. We are also defined by what we have preserved, even under the persistent and oppressive gaze of imperialism. Our ancestors found strength in community while honoring the wisdom embedded in our traditions, and the unbreakable thread that connects us. The philosophy of Ubuntu, ‘I am because we are,’ continues to affirm this shared connection, reminding us that humanity is intertwined, that healing must be a collective process because our struggles are shared.

The Rise and Demise of Western Imperialism

Right now, we are witnessing the breakdown of systems in the Western world: environmental disasters, deep social inequality, resource shortages, and wars are increasingly prevalent. The Global South faces parallel struggles, including genocides, conflict, climate crises, and social unrest. These are not isolated incidents, but interconnected threads within a broader process of global transformation.

What unites these overlapping crises? What underlying cause connects the challenges experienced by both the West and the Global South?

At the core of these crises is Western imperialism, a force whose legacy extends across continents and centuries. A comprehensive understanding of Western imperialism requires recognizing that it did not emerge independently. Rather, imperial expansion unfolded within a complex, interconnected, and culturally diverse global context. Before European expeditions began in the sixteenth century, international affairs were characterized by multiple centers of influence, resulting in a polycentric distribution of power, knowledge, and cultural development. Civilizations across Africa, Asia, and the Americas flourished, each contributing unique knowledge systems and innovations to the world.

In West Africa, empires such as Benin, Mali, and Songhai prospered through vibrant trans-Saharan trade networks. The city of Timbuktu stood as a beacon of intellectual pursuit, supporting the study of poetry, astronomy, and theology. These were societies of sophistication and depth, with thriving economies and centers of learning. Along the Swahili Coast, cities such as Kilwa and Mombasa engaged in extensive trade with India, Arabia, and China, participating in a widespread Indian Ocean commercial network that stretched from inland Africa to distant shores. Across Asia, China during the Song and early Ming dynasties maintained the largest global economy, introducing innovations such as the compass, paper, and printing. Indian kingdoms influenced international markets for textiles and spices. At the same time, the Islamic world fostered cities like Baghdad and Cairo as prominent centers of scholarship and science, facilitating the translation of Greek philosophy and the advancement of algebra, medicine, and astronomy.

​Likewise, in the Americas, civilizations such as the Aztec, Maya, and Inca established sophisticated urban societies rooted in ritual practices, reciprocal relationships, and environmental stewardship. These diverse societies were united by a relational approach to power—where spiritual and political spheres were intertwined, and trade was defined by mutual exchange rather than domination. Across many of these societies, power operated through relational dynamics rather than absolute authority. Spiritual and political spheres were interconnected, and trade was characterized by mutual exchange rather than domination.

Around 1500, the world experienced significant transformations. Europe, still recovering from plagues and wars, sought new expansion opportunities. Rather than establishing cooperative relationships, European states pursued power and conquest. Through colonization, enslavement, and resource extraction, European powers fundamentally transformed global structures by imposing their socio-political and economic models on diverse societies. This period marked the rise of Western dominance, which was established through exploitation and control rather than mutual benefit.

Between the 1500s and 1800s, Western powers established global dominance primarily through control and force. In the twentieth century, Western dominance reached its apex with the worldwide dissemination of ideas such as capitalism, democracy, and Christianity—systems imposed on societies encountered during Western conquests. Subsequently, these and other Western systems have served as mechanisms for continued control and domination over the non-Western world.

In English, there is a saying that goes: “A house built on shaky foundations cannot stand.” European exploration of the non-Western world was marked by violence and aggression rather than cooperation and benefit, and we are currently witnessing the unraveling of the structures established through conquest and maintained by violence. The foundational elements of Western imperialism, including endless extraction, oppressive hierarchies, and domination over land and life, are collapsing under their own weight as evidenced in accelerating ecological collapse, increasing inequality, political fragmentation, and a litany of violent conflicts across the globe.

The world created by Western domination, no longer able to sustain itself, is gradually imploding, and we are all witnesses. We are witnesses to ecological disasters, multiple genocides, increased polarization, famine, etc., etc. Yet, we are also witnesses to a refusal, across various parts of the globe, to accept systems that treat both humans and the Earth as expendable. And as convoluted as this era is, it does not signify the end of the world, but rather the conclusion of a specific global order. The myth of Western indispensability is diminishing, thus creating space for new possibilities and alternative ways of being.

The Prescient Wisdom of Indigenous Traditions

As we transition from reflecting on the collapse of Western imperial structures to exploring the enduring wisdom of Indigenous and non-Western societies, it is crucial to recognize that the answers to our contemporary crises may not lie in reinventing new systems from scratch. Instead, we can look to longstanding traditions that have withstood centuries of disruption and marginalization. These worldviews, grounded in interdependence and reverence for all life, offer not only a critique of past injustices but pathways for renewal and healing. By turning our attention to these alternative frameworks, we move toward reimagining a future rooted in balance, reciprocity, and collective well-being.

When an established system can no longer accommodate the full range of human potential, it inevitably disintegrates both internally and externally. Mystics refer to this as a “Dark Night of the Soul.” I argue that humanity as a whole is currently in a Dark Night of the Soul, a nebulous transitional phase of moving beyond the era of Western domination and into an uncertain yet open future.

In a previous post, we explored how many African and Indigenous traditions perceive time as cyclical rather than linear. In these worldviews, looking toward the future often means drawing on the past, as the past and future are interconnected within the same temporal framework. Therefore, any effort to envision a world beyond the West, its domination, and the consequences we are experiencing must first seek to understand what preceded it.

Before Western expansion, global societies possessed—and continue to retain—complex systems of governance, scientific knowledge, spiritual beliefs, and ecological management. Societies across Africa, the Americas, Asia, and the Pacific maintain unique cultural practices, yet share core concepts regarding existence and interconnectedness. These indigenous worldviews emphasize relationality, indicating that all beings are interconnected within a shared system of life. This shared concept of relationality, along with other worldviews present in Indigenous and non-Western cultures, is what I refer to as ‘indigenous schemas’.

The following discussion will focus on three principal indigenous schemas, which primarily center on these core ideas:

  • The land—our Earth—is a living ancestor, not an object to be bought, sold, or exploited.
  • Governance is based on consent, accountability, and community involvement, and knowledge is always shared—passed down through oral stories, rituals, and hands-on experience.
  • Economies operate on reciprocity, focusing on fair exchange and the replenishment of used resources.

Western colonizers dismissed Indigenous philosophies as primitive because these ideas fundamentally challenged a worldview rooted in hierarchy, scarcity, and domination. However, Indigenous philosophies across the globe share a foundational principle: The Earth, as all beings in it, is sacred, and each being is an expression of the Divine Spirit and/or Creator. In contrast to Western thought, which positions humans above nature, Indigenous perspectives see humans as one component within a vast, interconnected cosmos. In this perspective, relationships, rather than hierarchies, serve as the main organizing principle.

In indigenous systems, value is not determined by productivity or profit; rather, it is seen as inherent to existence itself. Western colonialism sought to undermine this perspective because domination conflicts with the recognition of the natural world as sacred. Colonial systems initially portrayed land, forests, animals, and entire populations as soulless, justifying their exploitation and dispossession. For this reason, reclaiming the sacredness of all life is not merely an abstract ideal but a concrete, actionable process encompassing socio-political, ecological, and spiritual dimensions. This foundation is essential for societies aiming to achieve sustainability beyond Western paradigms.

Indigenous systems emphasize the sacredness of all life and highlight the interdependence of all living things while respecting each being’s autonomy within the larger whole. In Indigenous societies, the concept of freedom does not mean being separate from others or acting without regard for their well-being. Instead, freedom is evident in how individuals honor their relationships with the community, the land, and their spiritual connections. Each being has a role and corresponding responsibilities that come from belonging to this greater whole. Ultimately, a person’s identity is shaped by their contributions to the community, and power is shared collectively rather than imposed by a single authority.

Western perspectives often define freedom as independence from others. In contrast, Indigenous societies emphasize the interdependence of all living beings and the importance of maintaining balanced relationships with them. This viewpoint highlights that even those we may dislike or disagree with are part of the interconnected web of life, and nurturing balance is essential for both personal and societal well-being. Strength, resilience, and meaning are cultivated through reciprocity—an ongoing exchange of support, knowledge, and care. To move beyond Western notions of autonomy, it is important to embrace interdependence as a form of sovereignty rather than seeing it as a sign of vulnerability.

Within Western capitalist systems, value is extracted from land, labor, and life until resources are depleted. In contrast, Indigenous societies have traditionally operated under economic systems that prioritize giving back to the environment, rather than ceaselessly taking from it. Regenerative economics is based on the belief that the Earth is a living entity, not merely a resource. This economic model also emphasizes the following principles:

  • Resources extracted from the environment must be replenished
  • Well-being is measured over many generations, and not just by short-term profits
  • Wealth is distributed to sustain the community, rather than concentrated to maintain individual or institutional power.
  • Growth is signalled by societal wellbeing, nature thriving, and the health of relationships within communities.

These ideas have endured despite colonization because they are rooted in the very logic of nature. Nature functions in cycles, where decay, renewal, giving, and receiving all play vital roles. The environmental and social crises we are currently witnessing suggest that our existing systems are fundamentally misaligned with the laws of nature. There are many lessons to learn from the regenerative economic models of indigenous cultures, which can help the world protect both the environment and society, allowing both to flourish and, importantly, ensuring a sustainable future.

To Decolonize or Not?

Finally, it is important to consider the role of decolonization in shaping contemporary society. I do not fully concur with the mainstream definition of decolonization as “the process of undoing colonialism by ending the domination of one country over another.” Nobody can undo colonization, just like none of us can go back in time to stop Western Imperialists from setting sail to conquer other parts of the world.

So where does that leave us? Should we just give up on “decolonizing”?

Well, yes and no.

I argue that the term “decolonization” deserves reconsideration because it tends to focus on the very concept that needs to be transcended. Additionally, it is crucial to address and repair the extensive harm caused by colonization. In this respect, I differ from many scholars who view decolonization as primarily a governmental or institutional effort. I believe that decolonization should also be understood as an individual endeavor. Fundamental changes in perception and relationships with the world begin in each person’s mind. Everyone is born into and lives under imperialist-colonial systems, and the legacies of these systems continue to shape contemporary life.

The influence of dominant and hierarchical systems is evident in all areas of life, including international and local politics, workplace dynamics, personal friendships, relationships, and even spiritual spaces. These hierarchies shape our perception of human life, suggesting that some lives are more valuable than others. One of the most damaging legacies of the West is its role in teaching us to devalue life to such an extent that it can be easily ignored and destroyed. In Germany and much of the Western world, this devaluation of life continues, particularly in the mainstream and government responses to the genocide of Palestinians following the attacks on October 7, 2023.

This devaluation is particularly evident in the thousands of deaths occurring in Sudan and the Congo, where prolonged conflicts have persisted for decades. However, these countries have not received the same level of media attention or public outcry as the Palestinian crisis. Why do you think this disparity exists? Why do many in the West seem desensitized to the deaths of Black and Brown people around the world? It ultimately comes down to how dominance and hierarchical thinking have shaped our perceptions of the “other” and how those perceptions influence our responses to global events.

When discussing decolonization, it is essential to recognize individual responsibility. Everyone has been socialized within systems that perpetuate hatred and devalue others. Decolonization fundamentally involves unlearning hatred and relearning values such as respect for all life, reciprocity, and stewardship.

In conclusion, the decline of the West does not merely signify the end of a civilization; it represents the end of a particular mode of thought.

  • Domination, extraction, and greed have reached their limits and can no longer support life or provide meaning.
  • The future must not be shaped by the same logic that created our current unsustainable world order.

Thank you for your attention.

A lecture delivered at the 2025 Fluctoplasma Festival under the Theme “Visions Beyond the West”. Go here for further readings and sources.

Spirit and Nature: An Exploration

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Photo: ‘Baobab Yola’ by Laraba Sambe © 2019

Previously, we discussed animism as a worldview that regards every aspect of nature as imbued with, and therefore an extension of, Spirit. This perspective fosters a profound respect for and connection with nature, as seen across diverse animistic traditions worldwide. Building upon that foundation, this piece elaborates on the central belief that nature, as an extension of Spirit, is sacred. It also examines the resulting sense of ecological responsibility—expressed through reciprocity and ritual—that enabled indigenous cultures to thrive in harmony with nature prior to Western imperialism.

The Separation Myth: Nature as Commodity

Life in 2025 is characterized by ongoing confrontations with a range of crises that, although distinct in time and place, collectively signal a profound disconnection between humanity and its spiritual essence. Western imperialism, as a systemic force, has permeated virtually every facet of global society. Today, numerous genocides—widely covered by the media but insufficiently challenged by the international community—serve as stark illustrations of a system that devalues the sanctity of life. Within this paradigm, all life is commodified for profit, and the loss of innocent lives is regarded as an acceptable cost in the relentless pursuit of resources.

Recent mass killings in regions such as Gaza, Sudan, and the Congo are often linked to the exploitation of natural resources by imperialist forces. To facilitate resource extraction, these entities frequently seek to suppress resistance from local populations, who are often indigenous to these areas. As a result, the environment itself becomes central to the broader context of violence and conflict. The large-scale attacks witnessed today reflect a continuation of historical tactics employed by imperial powers against indigenous populations that resisted their operations.

Over time, Western imperialism has continually refined its justifications for dominance. Initially, expansion was framed as the divine right of monarchs. Before that, Christian missionaries felt compelled to spread their faith worldwide. Unfortunately, colonial expansion frequently followed missionary activity, converting colonies into sites for resource extraction by European powers. Consequently, contemporary global power structures are a reflection of the disparities established during the colonial era. While former colonies may no longer be directly exploited for their land and resources, they still experience significant indirect consequences. Today’s global politics constitute a competitive arena in which powerful nations vie for control over land, resources, and markets. Within Western economic frameworks, these resources are considered scarce, and the ongoing struggle for them has perpetuated and intensified imperialistic practices.

Sankofa: Reconnecting with the Spiritual Essence of Nature

Long before the concept of the divine right of kings emerged and before missionaries arrived in indigenous lands, animistic cultures around the world—despite differences in belief—shared a central principle: profound reverence for nature. In these traditions, the Cartesian distinction between Spirit and matter does not exist. Indigenous peoples view themselves as integral to nature, not separate from it. For them, every aspect of life that is not human-made is regarded as an extension of God or Spirit. As Godwin Sogolo (1993) notes, “To the African [Indigenous] mind, reality is one unified whole. What happens to one part of creation reverberates through the entire system.”

The concept of interconnectedness is central to animistic beliefs and, over centuries, has fostered a sense of duty and stewardship for nature within indigenous cultures. Trees, forests, rivers, animals, and soils are not merely resources to be exploited; instead, they are recognized as essential components of the cosmos, imbued with Spirit, and thus regarded as sacred. Unfortunately, colonial missionaries—often agents of imperial expansion—dismissed these beliefs as superstition or, at times, labeled them as witchcraft. As a result, animism and its sophisticated ecological philosophy have largely faded from collective human consciousness (Kimmerle, 2006; Gumo et al., 2012). Now, at a pivotal moment in history, when the consequences of this loss are increasingly apparent, humanity must confront its past and reclaim the sacred knowledge that once enabled harmonious coexistence with the natural world.

The wisdom embedded in animistic practices is extensive. In recent years, modern science and Western academic thought have begun to incorporate animistic principles, particularly in fields such as spiritual ecology, ecofeminism, and environmental conservation. Scholars, theologians, and conservationists increasingly turn to animism as both a philosophical framework and a relational approach to engaging with the natural world—an orientation that may prove vital to humanity’s survival. Distinct aspects of animistic thought and humanity’s relationship with nature have generated significant interest among Western thinkers.

Reciprocity as an Animistic Principle

Reciprocity stands as a fundamental principle in animistic traditions. In “Ontology and Ethics in Cree Hunting,” Colin Scott (2014) explains that, among the Cree—especially hunters who engage with wild animals—reciprocity is rooted in respect. Although the meaning of respect may shift depending on the context and entities involved, it consistently serves as the ethical foundation for all relationships. Scott frames “respectful reciprocity” as the approved way of relating not only between hunters and animals but also between humans and the natural world as a whole.

The importance of reciprocity is deeply embedded in animistic cultures and is manifested in various forms. In Cree mythology, for instance, this idea is woven through cosmological narratives, illustrating how humans received culture, fire, language, and tools from animals who originally possessed them. Scott’s observations of the relationship between Cree hunters and the animals they pursue exemplify how animistic cultures perceive their connection to non-human nature as one of gift exchange (Adloff, 2025). Indigenous animistic traditions emphasize drawing resources from nature while simultaneously giving back, fostering a balanced and enduring exchange between humans and the natural world. These societies demonstrate profound respect for nature and honor the sacred partnerships formed through reciprocal exchanges in hunting and sustenance.

Adloff (2025) asserts that in cultures maintaining reciprocal relationships with nature, the notion of human superiority is inconceivable. Instead, these societies emphasize gratitude for nature’s gifts, recognizing that both humans and nature are components of a unified whole. As Sogolo (1993) notes, ‘what happens to one part of creation reverberates through the entire system.’ The resources offered by nature and the stewardship provided by humans circulate in a continuous cycle that sustains all life. Ultimately, indigenous societies flourish by acknowledging nature’s abundance and reciprocating through responsible care and stewardship of the environment.

The Role of Rituals in Honoring Nature

Within indigenous cultures, rituals are essential for nurturing, preserving, and honoring the connection to the divine and the spirit world. In “Ritual: Power, Healing and Community,” Elder Somé (1993) underscores the significance of rituals, observing that “the abandonment of ritual can be devastating.” He further asserts, “from a spiritual standpoint, ritual is inevitable and necessary if one is to live.” Recognizing this sacred imperative, indigenous societies have formalized their commitment to the Earth through diverse rituals and celebrations that honor the natural world.

In Nigeria, the Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove holds profound importance for the Yoruba people as a site dedicated to the river goddess Osun, who is revered for bestowing fertility, healing, and protection. Annually, the Osun-Osogbo festival draws thousands of Ifa practitioners from around the globe. This multi-day celebration features singing, dancing, prayers, and offerings, honoring a centuries-old covenant between the community and the river. Similarly, rainmaking rituals are prevalent among the Shona people of Zimbabwe. During periods of drought, the Shona convene at sacred hills and riverbanks to invoke ancestral spirits for rain. These ceremonies include millet beer, livestock offerings, and ritual songs, reflecting the belief that rainfall is not guaranteed but is a blessing contingent upon maintaining a harmonious relationship with the land and Spirit.

Even before the spread of Christianity across Europe, indigenous European societies had honored nature through various rituals. The Celts, for example, regarded oak groves and wells as sacred spaces where Druids mediated between humans and the unseen world. Offerings—such as jewelry or weapons—were placed in rivers and lakes as gifts to the deities and spirits believed to inhabit those waters. In Northern Europe, Norse communities revered Yggdrasil, the cosmic tree linking heaven, Earth, and the underworld. At sacred groves and springs, sacrifices were performed to ensure fertility, protection, and balance.

Indigenous cultures across Africa, Europe, and beyond demonstrate deep respect for nature through both personal and communal rituals. These practices extend beyond mere symbolism; they represent continuous, intentional engagement with the natural world and reflect a foundational belief in the interconnectedness and interdependence of all existence. Whether in the groves of Osogbo, the sacred wells of the Celts, or the rain shrines of Zimbabwe, indigenous societies have historically honored nature through ritual. As Mbiti (1969) states, “The physical and the spiritual are but two dimensions of the same universe; ritual ensures they remain in harmony.”

Reclaiming Animism in Contemporary Society

The renewed interest in animism among modern scientists and within Western academic discourse parallels a global revival of animistic practices. In the West, there is a notable resurgence among members of the African diaspora seeking to reconnect with their ancestral heritage, which is inherently animistic and grounded in the recognition of, and respect for, the Spirit that unites humanity and nature. These movements are instrumental in healing the wounds of colonial disruption by fostering spiritual kinship, which, in turn, informs more sustainable ecological practices (Gumo et al., 2012). Similarly, eco-activist Wangari Maathai, founder of the Green Belt Movement, drew profoundly on ancestral reverence for trees as she mobilized women to plant millions across Kenya. Maathai described planting “seeds of peace and hope,” grounded in the belief that humanity cannot achieve peace on an endangered planet.

Animism, as expressed through diverse indigenous cultures worldwide, offers a compelling alternative to Western ecological paradigms. Animistic beliefs approach the Earth as kin rather than as a resource to be exploited. From this vantage point, the crises currently facing our planet—including environmental and climate challenges—are not merely surface-level issues, but manifestations of a profoundly fractured relationship between humanity and Spirit, the essential thread binding us to nature and all living beings.

In conclusion, reengaging with animistic worldviews invites us to reconsider our relationship with the natural world—not as detached observers or exploiters, but as participants in the dynamic and interconnected web of life. By acknowledging the wisdom embedded in indigenous traditions and embracing a sense of reciprocity, respect, and spiritual kinship with nature, we can foster more sustainable and harmonious ways of living. As global challenges intensify, adopting these perspectives offers a hopeful path toward spiritual and, ultimately, ecological restoration for a more balanced and compassionate future for both humanity and the planet.

References

  • Chirikure, S., Nyamushosho, R., Chimhundu, H., Dandara, C., Pamburai, H., & Manyanga, M. (2017). Concept and knowledge revision in the post-colony: Mukwerera, the practice of asking for rain amongst the Shona of southern Africa.
  • Feiler, B. (2014) Sacred Journeys With Bruce Feiler | Osun-Osogbo, PBS.org. Available at: https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/sacredjourneys/content/osun-osogbo/ (Accessed: September 10, 2025).
  • Gumo, S., Gisege, S. O., Raballah, E., & Ouma, C. (2012). Communicating African Spirituality through Ecology: Challenges and Prospects for the 21st Century. Religions, 3(2), 523–543. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel3020523
  • O’Driscoll, D. 2022. “Introduction To Animism: Definitions And Core Practices For Nature Spirituality – The Druids Garden.” The Druids Garden – Spiritual Journeys In Tending The Living Earth, Permaculture, And Nature-Inspired Arts. July 14, 2022. https://thedruidsgarden.com/2022/07/14/introduction-to-animism-definitions-and-core-practices-for-nature-spirituality/.
  • Scott, C. 2014. Ontology and Ethics in Cree Hunting: Animism, Totemism and Practical Knowledge. Edited by Graham Harvey. London: Routledge.
  • Sogolo, G. (1993). Foundations of African Philosophy: A Definitive Analysis of Conceptual Issues in African Thought. Ibadan, Nigeria: Ibadan University Press
  • Somé, M. P. (1997). Ritual: Power, healing, and community. Penguin.
  • Taylor, B. (2013) ‘Kenya’s Green Belt Movement Contributions, Conflict, Contradictions, And Complications In A Prominent Environmental Non-Governmental Organization (Engo)’, in Trägårdh, L., Witoszek, N., and Taylor, B. (eds) Civil Society in the Age of Monitory Democracy. New York: Berghahn Books, pp. 181–207. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1515/9780857457578 (Accessed: September 10, 2025).

What’s in a Name: religion or spirituality

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When I started this blog in 2020, I was preoccupied with academia. It was a world to which I had desperately sought belonging for years. In fact, at that point, I would have argued that my frustrations from being repeatedly shut out led to the creation of the blog. True as that might have been, it was only half the truth.

The other, and very relevant, half of the truth is that I am interested in spirituality beyond academia. It also bears to wonder how I, a person who had learned more about faith and God outside of organized religion, believed that the only way to apply and use that knowledge was within the structures of academia. My scope of thinking was quite limited indeed, though my Chi was ardent in steering me right.  

African Religions was created to streamline my thoughts on the spiritual beliefs and practices of the various peoples of Africa. The decision to name the blog African Religions was, in fact, a misnomer because Africans did not recognize religion as separate from any other aspect of existence. Across the Continent, the various peoples of Africa were guided by customs and traditions that were informed and guided by spiritual reasoning and understanding. 

There was no separation between the spirit and matter, all informed each other, and thus, all affected each other. All was one. Then entered division, followed by conflict and stoked by the need to be superior so as to wield the most power, etc., etc. ‘Religion,’ rather than a vehicle to the spiritual and thus the divine, quickly became a social tool for amassing and controlling power. The more power a group had, the more their spiritual beliefs, or simply religions, spread. This can be seen with the three largest organized religions in the world and the bloody conflicts that have trailed their paths through the corners of the world where they currently thrive.

There is nothing wrong with religion as a term that encapsulates the spiritual beliefs and practices of various people. For example, in naming this blog African Religions, in just two words I have been able, hopefully, to indicate that the discourse here will center on the spiritual dimensions of various African peoples. But, I am learning to be a better writer and have since learned that it is best to say exactly what you mean and as succinctly as possible.

So, in the spirit of saying what I mean, the blog is now named African Spiritualities or Afrospiritualities.com. 

There is tremendous power in language, and using the word ‘religion’ to refer to the beliefs and practices of Indigenous Africans alludes to a power many of them did not have. Otherwise, they would still be largely present and there might have not been the need for this blog to be created as an attempt to document as much information on them as possible. 

Anyway, a short musing to say we are back. Thank you for being here.

Martha Laraba Sambe

Hausa & Queer; the origins and existence of Yan Daudu in Northern Nigeria

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This article does not set out to “prove” that queerness was inherent among the Hausas. Rather, it offers a brief exploration into the origins of Yan Daudu, perhaps the earliest queer people among the Hausas of northern Nigeria. 

To understand the origins of Yan Daudu,  we have to go back to the early post-Islamic northern Nigeria, when Islam began to thrive in major Hausa cities. Hausa animists, also known as Maguzawa, who resided within those cities, were expelled to the fringes of society because their cultural and religious beliefs greatly contrasted with Islam. It is among this group that Yan Daudu would come to find some level of acceptance that allowed them to take root at the fringes of major Hausa cities.

Origins

Yan Daudu are named after a flamboyant male spirit in the Hausa pantheon of spirits. He is often described as a loose, gambling, and well-dressed male spirit (Voice, 1999; Sinikangas, 2004), and the name yan Daudu translates to “sons of Daudu”. 

Yan Daudu have always existed within the Hausa community; the fact that their name derives from an old spirit in Hausa animism is a testament to that. They are often feminine-presenting men who sometimes engage in sex work even though they do not necessarily identify as homosexuals. They are also known to occupy socially ambiguous spaces about their faith as either Muslims or adherents of Hausa animism  (Gaudio, 2005). 

Salamone expands on this ambiguity in Hausa concepts of masculinity and the ‘Yan Daudu  (2005). 

He writes: “In this system, men who are more or less exclusively homosexual (not always, but often trans […] or at least effeminate males) have sexual relationships with men not culturally distinguished from other men. These “men who talk like women” form a link between the old non-Muslim Hausa and the Muslim Hausa, indicating where stress lines still exist between the old and new Hausa identities for the coming of Islam to West African societies necessitated a rethinking of numerous cultural and social arrangements, not least of which were the relationship between men and women and the organization of family life.”

Even though they were perceived as an ‘other’, many Yan Daudu married women and kept families. However, as Salamone (2005)  adds, this did not mean they stopped engaging in “homosexual behavior.” 

In his words, “The sexual experiences of many ‘Yan Daudu and other gay Hausa men, however, indicate that heterosexual marriage and homosexual behavior are in no way mutually exclusive in Hausaland. Like other Hausa men (gay and straight), married Yan Daudu take seriously their responsibilities as husbands and fathers, and expect their wives, children and other dependent kinfolk to show them due respect.”

Gidan Mata

Yan Daudu are often placed as co-habitants with Karuwai (female sex workers) at Gidan Mata. Loosley translated to “house of women”, Gidan Mata is typically a living quarters for Hausa women who have left their husbands or parents to fend for themselves. Many of these women eventually resorted to sex work, Karuwanci, to make ends meet. 

In Houses of Women: a Focus on Alternative Life-Styles in Katsina City, Renee Pittin (1983) describes Gidan Mata as follows: “​​‘Houses of women’, as the term is used in Hausa (gidajen mata; sing. gidan mata), do not necessarily house only women…Rather, the term is a euphemism for the houses which accommodate women on their own, who support themselves completely or in part by selling their sexual services, and which accommodate also other independent women, and the men [Yan Daudu] who are, economically and socially, an integral part of what may be treated as the sexual demi-monde of Hausa society.”

Yan Daudu favored living among women and mainly desired to associate with women. Consequently, they often assumed roles predominantly carried out by women. However, perhaps the most important reason Yan Daudu became inhabitants of Gidan Mata was that they felt a kinship with Karuwai because their sexual identities were considered inappropriate and ‘uncontrolled’ within the male-dominated Islamic society.

Both men and women who lived at Gidan Mata often became adherents of Hausa animism and participated in spirit possession ceremonies known as Bori. Sometimes to meet ends which were otherwise not attainable to them. However, for women, becoming an adherent was appealing because the Maguzawa did not practice the seclusion of women. On the contrary, women held high positions within the Bori belief system, owned farms, and played significant roles during religious rituals and spirit possession ceremonies. In addition, the leader (Magajiya) of the Gidan Mata was often an influential Bori practitioner and/or priestess who performed sacred rites and rituals. 

Where are they now?

Yan Daudu continue to exist within the fringes of the now predominantly Islamic northern Nigeria. However, in the recent past, they have been persecuted by their kinsmen because their lifestyle is considered an abomination under Islam, even though their presence preceded Islam within the existing region where they once freely thrived. 

Furthermore, being a sexual minority in Nigeria means that the issues that affect Yan Daudu are not typically mainstreamed in development interventions and programming. As a result, the population has been adversely affected by HIV/AIDS. Insufficient institutional action has meant they have not been adequately reached with the necessary health interventions (Tocco, 2014) needed to live safer and healthier lives.

Notwithstanding, the Yan Daudu are a resilient group whose presence remains within the fringes of major Hausa cities in northern Nigeria.

Sources:

Gaudio, R. P. (2005). Male Lesbians and Other Queen Notions in Hausa. In A. Cornwall (Ed.), Readings in gender in Africa. James Currey Publishers.

Immigration And Refugee Board Of Canada. (2019, February). The Situation Of Sexual And Gender Minorities In Nigeria (2014-2018). Research Directorate Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. https://irb.gc.ca/en/country-information/research/Pages/situation-gender-minorities-nigeria.aspx

Sinikangas, M. (2004). Yan Daudu A Study of Transgendering Men in Hausaland West Africa.

Stephen Murray & Will Roscoe (eds) (1998), Boy Wives & Female Husbands: Studies of African Homosexualities, London: Macmillan

Sullivan, J. (2005). Exploring Bori as a Site of Myth in Hausa Culture. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 17(2), 271–282. https://doi.org/10.1080/13696850500448378

Tocco, J. U. (2014). The Mode of Transmission That Dare Not Speak Its Name: Islam, AIDS and the Public Secret of Homosexuality in Northern Nigeria (N. Beckmann, A. Gusman, & C. Shroff, Eds.). British Academy. https://academic.oup.com/british-academy-scholarship-online/book/292/chapter-abstract/134878543?redirectedFrom=fulltext

Voice, V. (1999, June 22). ‘Yan Daudu’ And Proud – The Village Voice. The Village Voice. https://www.villagevoice.com/1999/06/22/yan-daudu-and-proud/

African Time: cyclical or linear?

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Mmere Dane, the Adrinkan symbol and phrase meaning “time changes.”

This is a brief synopsis of three articles discussing how societies across the African continent understand and perceive time. As usual, these answer some personal questions and open up a range of so many other questions. I hope you find them useful!

Time in traditional African thought by John Parratt

This critique of John Mbiti’s work on how African societies perceive time. Mbiti has asserted that in the African conception of time, the future is non-existent since it looks toward things and events that are yet to happen, thereby nullifying the concept of time as a linear concept composing of a past, present, and future. 

Mbiti asserts that time for the African is composed of a past and a present now being experienced, and a present which has yet to occur but the occurrence of which is certain because it is on the rhythm of nature. Mbiti’s claims are backed by the fact that certain African languages have no words to describe the concept of a future time.

Pratt argues against Mbiti’s assertions claiming that linguistics alone cannot be the basis of Mbiti’s claims about time. He cites another scholar who shows that Niangoran-Bouah in the Ivory Coast used a calendrical system to tell time, largely based on seasonal rituals. This gives rise to the claim that time in many African cultures is regulated based on certain festivals known to be held after certain intervals, for example, the New Yam Festival by the Igbos held in August.

Similarly, the Kaguru and Tiv people are observed to record time-based on events experienced by the collective groups.

This leads to the assertion of time either as oecological – relating to the cycles and rhythms of nature – or structural, relating to a person’s relationship with their society at different phases of life.

For all of his arguments against Mbiti, Parratt concludes that three overlapping circles represent time in the African perspective. He says: “Time in Africa…could perhaps be better illustrated in terms of three successive and partially intersecting circles, representing respectively the mythical past, the remembered past, and the present…a straightforward linear time scale is not involved.”

Parratt, J. (1977). Time in traditional African thought. Religion, 7(2), 117–126. https://doi.org/10.1016/0048-721x(77)90019-7

African Concept of Time, a Socio-Cultural Reality in the Process of Change 

In this paper, the authors explain that African view time as a socio-cultural phenomenon collectively experienced. Furthermore, they argue that time is a phenomenon which stretches beyond the physical realm into an ontological dimension, making it both secular and sacred. 

The authors argue that the significance of time is drawn from daily events – such as milking cattle at sunrise –  or social events – such as planting and harvest seasons.

The authors raise a point about idleness – the gap between the time for planting, harvests, and other communal events. Although, according to Europeans, Africans were often found idle and “wasting time”, the authors argue that idleness was, in fact, “preparation for time”, adding that “the economic circumstance of the day would dictate the pace of activities.”

They argue against Mbiti’s notion of no future in the African conception of time, highlighting the system of checks and balances in the old Oyo Empire, dating back to 1754. The Empire had a plan to prevent any ruling monarch from becoming either despotic or autocratic, thus making it mandatory for the Alaafin to consult the Oyomesi council of chiefs before taking decisions on the affairs of the state. According to the authors, the checks and balances in the Oyo Emirate were in place to ensure a good future and a peaceful one for the Oyo kingdom. 

According to these authors, checks and balances indicate that Africans are conscious of a distant future, contrary to what Mbiti has argued. 

Fumilola Babalola, S., & Ayodeji Alokan, O. (2013). African Concept of Time, a Socio-Cultural Reality in the Process of Change. Journal of Education and Practice, 4(7). https://www.iiste.org/Journals/index.php/JEP/article/viewFile/5290/5293

Africa’s understanding of time and history: The line over against the cycle Jan AB Jongeneel

The author argues for linear time over cyclical time while recognizing that many Africans still regard the former over the latter. According to the author, “the power of the cycle in African traditional religions and the power of the symbiosis of the cycle and the line in various circles of African Christianity, African Islam, and African secularism is much bigger than the investigated publications of Mbiti, and Bosch suggests.”

The author attests that many African societies had a cyclical approach to time, however, Judaism, and eventually, Christianity, and Islam, brought the concept of linear time to the continent. It’s worth noting here that Jongeneel asserts that the Jews were bound by “divine historical events”, which places them as forward-looking people who believe in a God that reveals his purpose for humanity over time and who will eventually bring his will to fulfilment in the “eschaton”, or at the end of time.  

This belief is in contrast with the cyclical notion of time which is referred to in the text as “reversed teleology”, where “the final purpose [of human life] is in the past rather than in the future.”

While the author references Mbiti, he introduces new scholars such as John A.A. Ayoade, who is said to have distinguished between various types of time cycles based on the traditions of Yoruba peoples in West Africa. Ayoade differentiates between the celestial/cosmic cycle, primarily concerned with the sun, moon and stars, and the terrestrial/ecological cycle, concerned with the changing seasons.

Jongeneel discusses the presence of Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) and secularism (humanism and secularism) and how they have shaped the modern perception of time in Africa. The paper also briefly discusses the work of Asian theologians and their views of cyclical time, which is also prevalent in Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism, and Shinto.

Jongeneel, J. A. B. (2009). Africa’s understanding of time and history: the line over against the cycle. Missionalia: The South African Missiological Society, 37(3), 37–50.

Menstrual Traditions in West Africa

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In Menstruation as a Verbal Taboo among the Akan of Ghana, K. Agyekum (2002) breaks down how language, mainly euphemisms, are used to talk about Menstruation among the Akan in Ghana. Agyekum describes Menstruation as an ammodin, or an “unmentionable”, and gives a comprehensive list of the words and phrases used when discussing Menstruation.

According to Agyekum, “the use of euphemisms that portray the negative aspects of menstruation makes Akan women feel bad and suppressed and somewhat elevates the status of men. In contrast, the “positive” euphemisms reflect the role and value of women in the society. The effect of language and utterances may be determined by the power, status, rank, age, and gender of the participants in the communicative encounter and by the distance and differences between them.”

Agyekum K. (2002). Menstruation as a Verbal Taboo among the Akan of Ghana. Journal of Anthropological Research, 58(3), 367–387. https://doi.org/10.1086/jar.58.3.3631182

In Sex, fertility and Menstruation among the Beng of the Ivory Coast, Alma Gottlieb (1982) focuses on notions of Menstruation that do not place women in a lower status due to the perception of being unclean because they are bleeding. Rather, Gottlieb shows how menstrual pollution among the Beng occurs when “human fertility when is removed from its proper place- and how, rather than debasing women, menstruation serves to give added value to a major aspect of women’s labour – that of cooking.”

Gottlieb’s work shows that Menstruation is not viewed as predominantly negative. There are only three outlined activities that menstruating women cannot participate in. These include not setting foot in the forest for any reason other than to defaecate, not touching a corpse, and lastly, a man may not eat food cooked by his wife while she is menstruating. Except for these three taboos, menstruating women among the Beng of Ivory Coast are free to participate in all other activities during their periods, including sexual activities.

Gottlieb, A. (1982). Sex, fertility and menstruation among the Beng of the Ivory Coast: a symbolic analysis. Africa, 52(04), 34–47. https://doi.org/10.2307/1160093

In Heavenly Bodies: Menses, Moon, and Rituals of License among the Temne of Sierra Leone, Frederick Lamp (1988) links the lunar cycle and the menstrual cycle of  Temne women. Lamp highlights how important rituals, like the initiation of girls into womanhood, deliberately occur with specific moon phases. This is also true for ceremonies where boys are initiated into manhood. Both ceremonies for boys and girls were observed by Lamp to occur during different yet specific phases of the moon.

Lamp’s work only briefly focuses on the taboos that affect menstruating women.

Lamp, F. (1988). Heavenly Bodies: Menses, Moon, and Rituals of License among the Temne of Sierra Leone. In A. Gottlieb & T. Buckley (Eds.), Blood Magic. Univ of California Press.

Compliment Lamp (1988), Gottlieb (1982), and Agyekum (2002), with this essay from NPR, about societies where Menstruation is not treated with disgust.

Brink, S. (2015, August 11). Some Cultures Treat Menstruation With Respect. NPR.Org. https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/08/11/431605131/attention-trump-some-cultures-treat-menstruation-with-respect

Spirit Possession: a return to wholeness?

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Sarkin Rafi during a Bori performance in Zaria. Source: (Okagbue, 2008)

This article continues the exploration of spirits in Hausa Animism which was shared in a previous article titled ‘Spirits (Bori/Iskoki) in Hausa Animism‘. In the previous article, we learned that the Hausas believe that spirits were at one point humans who were then condemned to live as spirits, in the unseen world, by god.

The god-made division between the spirit and human siblings had consequences, especially for the human siblings who have to spend much of their lives appeasing their spirit-siblings. The spirit-siblings, according to Sullivan (2005), have had to rely on two main mediums of expressions, “the language of malady, which expresses their displeasure at being ignored or defiled” and “the language of the adept’s body, in which [the] spirits can manifest their otherwise ethereal presence in corporeal form.” Sullivan (2005) argues that spirit possession, or Bori, is a reintegration between the long-separated siblings, which brings about a balance (wholeness) in the wellbeing of the humans who would otherwise be doomed to suffer afflictions.

This piece is an attempt to uncover if and how other belief systems across the continent are similar to Hausa Animism in the belief that humans need to foster relationships with spirits for the sake of their wellbeing and wholeness.

Ngoma: Swahili ( Tanzania)

In Tanzania, spirit possession ceremonies are called Ngoma but, beyond possession rites, they are avenues for the veneration and propitiation of spirits to obtain healing, protection and help to ward off the influence of evil spirits and witchcraft (Giles, 2018). The term Ngoma also refers to various “performance(s), drumming, dancing, celebration, and ritual therapy” (Janzen, 1992). A simple search of the term Ngoma will bring up many results, most of which fail to state that Ngoma is, in fact, first a healing/possession ceremony (Ngoma za kutibu) out of which emerged the now better known and purely entertaining form of the ceremony (Janzen, 1992).

As Janzen (1992) shows in great detail, Ngomas are often an avenue for healing. The typical scenario is this: an individual suffers an ailment of unknown causes, and after a series of consultations with traditional medicine people, it is determined that a specific spirit is responsible for the sickness. At this point, a ceremony holds to appease the spirit. In many cases, the individual becomes an initiate into the cult of the spirit responsible for their ailment.

Ngoma cults have been referred to as “cults of affliction” (Janzen, 1992), perhaps because most new adherents join after being healed from their afflictions. It is worth noting that not all members of these cults suffered ailments before they joined. Both Janzen (1992) and Giles (2018) go into detail about the differences in Ngoma cults across Tanzania. Each region has various spirits they recognize, and in many cases, these spirits are often categorized based on their location (e.g. land and water spirits), their origins (e.g. Kiarabu or spirits of Arab origins, and Kipemba spirits or native Swahili spirits), e.t.c.

So while Ngoma might, in the modern-day, be a form of entertainment, its origins emphasized the role of spirits who are responsible for afflictions from which humans sought healing.

Holle Hori: Songhay (Niger)

The belief in spirits is a central feature in the religious system of the Songhay in Niger. Similar to Swahili, they also have characterizations of spirits based on their origins and some times, race. The more contact they had with foreigners, the more their pantheon of spirits expanded. For instance, the Genji Kwari, or white spirits, were included as they interacted with the Tuareg, who at the time were Islamic dispute arbitrators. Similarly, Hausa spirits (of sickness and death), were included in the Songhay pantheon in the nineteenth century (Stoller, 2010).

The existence of these spirits necessitated a cult of worshippers and possession troupes which often included priests, mediums, singers, and instrumentalists who launched spirit possession ceremonies or Holle Hori and staged rites that allowed the interaction between spirits and humans (Stoller, 2010).

Like in Tanzania, initiates of a particular spirit cult are typically those who have suffered ailments believed to be caused and healed by the spirit a cult is dedicated to. Similarly, and in many cases, it is only after being initiated that the spirit grants reprieve from the afflictions and the new devotee can live in harmony with the spirit. New members into spirit cults are said to “devote a large part of their lives to their spirits; they wear clothes associated with them, make sacrifices to them, and attend possession ceremonies” dedicated to these spirits (Berliner, 2009).

Two Halves of a Whole

Across the spiritual traditions discussed here, we see that humans and spirits seem to have a symbiotic relationship—where the existence of one depends on the other. A thread that connects Bori, Ngoma, and Halle Hori is the belief that humans are each born with an accompanying spirit, who might inflict an affliction on individuals if and when neglected. Any form of healing or respite comes after the spirit has been sought out and appeased. In many cases, these offerings are also initiation rites for the afflicted individual who then becomes a part of the cult dedicated to the spirit that had caused their ailment.

Belief in spirits, as observed in these traditions, have broad implications including. One implication is the conviction that there are forces beyond what human senses can perceive, and that these forces have a locus of influence spanning across every aspect of existence on Earth. As expressed by the fact that most aspects of the natural world have governing spirits, from rain, ailments, trees, animals, rocks and mountains, etc.

In Bori, for instance, we see that totem animals and certain sites (rivers, mountains, hills, trees) are venerated and protected because of their spiritual significance to adherents. As a result of the value placed on these animals and sites, they are often not allowed to be hunted or killed, and the sites are protected because they are holy (Danfulani, 1999).

Another implication of the belief in spirits would be the need to preserve the natural environment while being mindful that the existence of other living things enriches human existence. As seen with Bori, certain animals were sacred because they were totemic spirits, while parts of nature were holy sites because spirits resided there (Danfulani, 1999). Likewise, in Tanzania, we see distinctions between land and water spirits (Janzen, 1992). As a result, it is safe to assume that the behaviour of any people who hold such beliefs would aim at maintaining a balanced relationship with their immediate natural environment because they believe that spirits can and often do, lash out when not propitiated.

Naturally, these implications lead to more questions like, what explanations can be we find in African belief systems for the current state of the world? How would they explain global warming, or the COVID-19 outbreak, or mental health crises, for that matter? Should we be looking to these systems for redemption?

Refrences

Dale, G. (1920). The Peoples of Zanzibar: Their Customs and Religious Beliefs. Universities’ Mission to Central Africa.

Danfulani, U. H. D. (1999). Factors Contributing to the Survival of The Bori Cult in Northern Nigeria. Numen, 46(4), 412–447. https://doi.org/10.1163/1568527991201437

Giles, L. L. (1999). Spirit Possession & the Symbolic Construction of Swahili Society. In H. Heike & U. Luig (Eds.),   Spirit Possession, Modernity, and Power in Africa  . The University of Wisconsin Press.

Giles, L. L. (2018). Translocal Interconnections within the Swahili Spirit World. In F. Declich (Ed.), Translocal Connections across the Indian Ocean Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move. Brill.

Janzen, J. M. (1992). Ngoma Discourses of Healing in Central and Southern Africa. University of California Press. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft3779n8vf&chunk.id=d0e440&toc.depth=100&toc.id=d0e440&brand=ucpress

Luig, U. (1999). Constructing Local Worlds: Spirit Possession in the Gwembe Valley, Zambia. In H. Behrend & U. Luig (Eds.), Spirit Possession, Modernity, and Power in Africa. The University of Wisconsin Press.

Okagbue, O. (2008). Deviants and Outcasts: Power and Politics in Hausa Bori Performances. New Theatre Quarterly, 24(3), 270–280. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x08000328

Stoller, P. (2010). Fusion of the Worlds. University of Chicago Press.

Sullivan, J. (2005). Exploring Bori as a Site of Myth in Hausa Culture. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 17(2), 271–282. https://doi.org/10.1080/13696850500448378

Skin as Canvas; the cultural relevance of scarification

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Sudanese Toposa tribe woman refugee with scarifications on her body, Omo Valley, Kangate, Ethiopia

Finding traces of the earliest humans who modified their skins is tough. The reason being that human flesh, unlike bones and teeth, erodes when buried. Still, pieces of evidence of body modifications have been discovered in parts of the African Continent. An example is the traces of plain-ink tattoos found on mummified corpses of women dating back to about 2000 BCE in Egypt (Winters, 2021). Further south of the Continent, a shred of similar evidence – dating about 12,000 years – of a man with modifications to his lips and cheeks were found and thus revealing one of the earliest pieces of evidence of facial piercings on the Continent (Osborne, 2020).

The practice of body modifications is as perhaps as old as humankind itself. The word tattoo comes from the name for the ancient practice of body modification that prevailed in Polynesia, known as tatu or tatau (Oxford University Press, 2008). While tattoos, piercings, and other lesser-known forms of body modifications, such as scarring, are now practised in modern settings for aesthetics, this has not always been the rationale for them.

Social Skin

Besides the general confusion that once prevailed about the differences between tattooing and scarring (Keefer, 2013), there was a misconception that body modification among indigenous societies was merely a matter of aesthetics and beautification. In his seminal work titled Social Skin, anthropologist Terrence Turner posited that the skin, “as the common frontier of society, the social self, and the psycho-biological individual,” is the “symbolic stage upon which the drama of socialization is enacted” and thus all forms of body modifications are the languages through which this drama [aka, socialization] is expressed (Turner, 1980).

Through Turner’s work, it became clearer that body modification practices held deep cultural and spiritual significance across most societies where they prevailed. It is worth stressing that body modification practices as carried out across various African cultures, and indeed other aboriginal cultures across the world did not necessarily reflect a preoccupation with beauty.

Scarification

Scarring, rather than tattoos, was a more common form of body modification in Africa, particularly in the sub-Saharan region. Anthropologists have rationalized that this was the case because the pigments in tattoos were not as visible on darker skin as they were on lighter skin. Additionally, the formation of keloids on the surface of darker skin after being cut made scarring the preferred method of body modification, even though other forms, such as tattoos, were still being practised in sub-Saharan Africa (Garve et al., 2017).

Across Africa, cultures often have similar practices, yet the beliefs that give these practices meaning tend to differ from each other. Tattoos in southern Mozambique, for instance, were used to define clan and ethnic identity. They later became an act of resistance against colonialists and missionaries (Vaughan, 2007). In northern Nigeria, and specifically among the Ga’anda people of modern-day Adamawa State, women were often the most scarred members of the community. Scars were a rite of passage into womanhood which often began when a girl was about five years old and continued through puberty, eventually culminating when the young woman wedded. The Ga’anda also used scars to communicate with and preserve the spirits of dead relatives (Lathrop, 2018).

Among the Tiv in modern-day Benue State, the practice of scarring is explained using the “non-adaptive sexually selected character” theory. This theory explains that scars were “intended to stimulate and attract potential sexual partners” (Garve et al., 2017). So far, there seems to be a dearth of resources that provide an alternative explanation to the extensive scarring practices observed in Benue. It is worth considering that Tiv scars might have served other mythic and spiritual purposes because the objects inscribed on the skin were often animals (scorpions, birds, chameleons etc.) revered for specific characteristics (Bohannan, 1956).  

An Endangered Language

Like languages spoken and written across the Continent, the practice of scarring, and other forms of modification were a means of communication that required symbols to be etched to the surface of the skin. Of course, only the members of an ethnic group could understand the symbolism behind the marks they placed on their bodies. As Schildkrout puts it, “to understand it [body art], one needs to know the vocabulary, including the shared symbols, myths, and social values that are written on the body.”

Among the Ga’anda, it was easy to tell, without necessarily being told, the phase of development girls had reached based on the extent of their scars. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Luba women were revered as spirit mediums and those among them who had had children were considered strong enough to be possessed. For this reason, many Luba women received scars so that they could be identified as mediums or potential mediums waiting to be possessed (Pitt Rivers Museum Body Arts, 2011). Scars were thus symbols that communicated to spirits that a woman was willing and ready to be possessed. Similarly, the Luluwa people of the DRC used scars to communicate their desire to be bound to this world. For the Luluwa, scars beautified the body and beautifying the body was a person’s signal to their soul that they were willing to remain bound to earth and their physical body (Lathrop, 2018).

While scarring practices were important aspects of culture in various parts of the Continent, they have gradually declined. This can largely be attributed to Western influence across African societies. The pressure to modernize, which is connected to colonization and missionary expeditions across the Continent, has largely influenced the decline in body modification practices (Vaughan, 2007). Early European observers and those who took part in the transatlantic slave trade were also responsible for modifying the meanings of the scars and their perception as primitive (Vaughan, 2007).  

Subsequently, the emergence of governments that tended to replicate those in imperialist states further urged the decline in scarring practices and body modifications. In Nigeria, for instance, the Child’s Rights Act (2003), which prohibits the permanent marking and tattooing of children, is the justification for the refusal to scar children (United Nations Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2013). Furthermore, arguments that body modification practices were unsafe and often resulted in infectious diseases, such as hepatitis and HIV, were also made and used to discourage the practice (Garve et al., 2017).

A Glimpse of Hope

Although scarification is no longer as widely practised as it was, it persists among some groups on the Continent. In Nigeria, for instance, scarring and other body modification practices are still prevalent among communities in rural and remote areas of the country where it is hard to enforce government laws (United Nations Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2013). Similarly, across the border from Nigeria, in the Benin Republic, to be precise, the practice of scarification persists among a small group in Ouidah who are keen on preserving their cultural heritage (BBC, 2014).

Further east of the Continent, between Sudan and Ethiopia, parts of Tanzania, and Uganda, there are groups of peoples (Surma, Bodi, Afar, Nuer, Karrayyu, Menit, Datoga, etc.) who continue to practice scarification extensively. The scars and process of scarification of some of these groups have been recently documented by the French photographer Eric Lafforgue, whose work can be found here.

Work Cited

BBC. (2014, June 16). Why Some People Want Facial Scars. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-27412311

Bohannan, P. (1956). Beauty and Scarification Amongst the Tiv. Man, 56, 117–121. 10.2307/2794969

Garve, R., Garve, M., Türp, J. C., Fobil, J. N., & Meyer, C. G. (2017). Scarification in sub-Saharan Africa: social skin, remedy and medical import. Trop Med Int Health, 22(6), 708–715. 10.1111/tmi.12878

Keefer, K. H. B. (2013). Scarification and identity in the liberated Africans department register, 1814–1815. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 47(3), 537–553. 10.1080/00083968.2013.832337

Lafforgue, E. (n.d.). Scary Scars. Eric Lafforgue. Retrieved August 28, 2021, from http://www.ericlafforgue.com/storage/files/pages/Scarifications.pdf

Lathrop, C. (2018, November). Scarification, Femininity, and the Decline of the Mark of Civilizations. https://afrospiritualities.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/c0a69-scarification2cfemininity2candthedeclineofthemarkofcivilizations.pdf

Osborne, H. (2020, January 29). Earliest Evidence Of Facial Piercing In Africa Discovered In 12,000-year-old Skeleton. Newsweek ; Newsweek. https://www.newsweek.com/earliest-facial-piercing-africa-ancient-skeleton-1484600

Oxford University Press. (2008, March 19). Traditional Polynesian Tattooing | OUPblog. OUPblog. https://blog.oup.com/2008/03/polynesian_tattoo/

Pitt Rivers Museum Body Arts. (2011). Scarification In The Congo Region. http://web.prm.ox.ac.uk/bodyarts/index.php/permanent-body-arts/scarification/178-scarification-in-the-congo-region.html

Turner, T. S. (1980). The Social Skin. In R. Lewin (Ed.), Not Work Alone: A Cross-cultural View of Activities Superfluous to Survival (pp. 112–140). Temple Smith. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.14318/hau2.2.026

United Nations Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2013, December 30). Refworld | Nigeria: The Practice Of Tribal Markings On Male Children, Including Groups That Engage In The Practice; Whether The Parents Of A Child Can Refuse To Have The Practice Carried Out, Including Consequences Of Such A Refusal; State Protection Available (2012-2013). Refworld. https://www.refworld.org/docid/546dc28a4.html

Vaughan, M. (2007). Scarification in Africa. Cultural and Social History, 4(3), 385–400. 10.2752/147800407×219269

Winters, J. (2021, February 8). A Brief History Of African Body Markings. Amplify Africa. https://www.amplifyafrica.org/post/a-brief-history-of-african-body-markings

Moon as Mother

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Symbol of Nyame Amowia

Many well-known myths across the world attest that the creation of the universe was undertaken by a singular supreme being who often is male or has been largely characterized as having male attributes. In many of these creation stories, the sun is often considered the physical representation of the genitor god and creator of the universe (Diop, 2019). However, in some lesser-known origin stories, the creator of the Universe is believed to be feminine and her physical representation is in the world is the moon.

A few traditional African belief systems fall under this lesser-known group that attribute the creation of the Universe to a feminine deity. This article shares some these creation stories from West Africa where the creation of the universe is attributed to a genitrix deity.

Nyame Amowia (Akan, Ghana)

The story of Nyame Amowia was introduced in a previous article where her role as the giver of life (souls) was emphasized. However, Nyame Amowia is also the creator of the entire Universe and everything in it. This genitrix deity is also known by different names, most of which indicate some of her attributes, including Amosu, “Giver of Rain”; Amowia, “Giver of the Sun”, and Amaomee “Giver of Plenitude” (Atlanta University Center, 2020). Nyame has been referred to as “the great deity of the Akan; a self-begotten, self-produced, and self-born, [who is] at once both male and female, the Supreme Being” (Danquah, 1952).

According to Danquah (1952), Nyame Amowia separated her masculine and feminine aspects and “crystallized” her spiritual power in her soul which bears her masculine side and is represented by the sun, also known to the Akan as the deity Nyankopon. Nyame herself is personified by the moon and represented on earth by the queen-mother (Danquah, 1952). While there are accounts that stress that Nyame is in fact a male deity, it was worth noting that the belief that Nyame is female gives credence to the fact that the Akan is a matrilineal society.

Nana Bukulu (Fon, Benin)

Nana Buluku is the deity and Supreme Being of the Fon people in who from the modern-day Benin Republic. However, Nana Buluku is not directly involved with the affairs of human beings. She is believed to have created the Universe and put it under the charge of her two progenitors, Mawu and Lisa both of whom are said to have absorbed the nature of the Nana Buluku. Often referred to as “MawuLisa,” these two children of Nana Bukulu lead a pantheon of sky deities with Mawu, embodied as the moon and possessing female attributes, and Lisa, embodied as the sun with male attributes. (Ikenga-Metuh, 1982).

Mawu, the female counterpart of the sky deities, is believed to embody other attributes including fertility, motherhood, gentleness, forgiveness, rest, and joy. It is also this deity who the Fon believe was tasked with creating the world, a task Mawu seems to have carried out singlehandedly. In the narration of the creation myth as described by Ikenga-Metuh (1982), it was Mawu who formed the first human beings from clay and water, however, after creation humans were blind and helpless so Mawu sent Lisa (the sun) to give light to the earth (Ikenga-Metuh, 1982).

Across borders in Ghana, Mawu was once worshipped as the supreme deity among the Ewe people. Mawu was known by herself in this region without her accompanying sibling, Lisa, as was known to the Fon. According to Greene (2002), Mawu’s significance as the supreme being had waned significantly by the 19th century largely because the economic activity shifted from the Ewe region where Mawu reigned as supreme being to other regions of the Gold Coast (Greene, 2002).

Woyengi (Ijaw, Nigeria)

The Ijaw people of modern-day southern Nigeria believe that Woyengi – a name that translates to “great mother” – is the sole creator of the earth. While she is the only deity presented here who has not been associated with the moon,  Woyengi is believed to have descended on earth through a bolt of lightning. It is said that she stood on the edge of the universe and observed Earth filled with animals and vegetation but without humans. Using the mud from the earth, Woyengi is said to have created human dolls who were neither male nor female and afterwards, she filled their lungs with the breath of life (Asante & Mazama, 2009).

The Ijaw believe that each doll Wonyegi created was given a chance to choose their gender (male or female), the kind of blessings they wished to receive, and their occupations. Woyengi did not give a chance for the humans she created to change their minds after they chose genders, professions, and material blessings. For this reason, she came to be known as the goddess of destiny (Asante & Mazama, 2009).

Moon as a Symbol of Femininity

The analogy between women (femininity) and the moon is a feature of many cultures across the world. This connection is perhaps prevalent because of how the menstrual cycle often imitates the lunar cycle (Diop, 2019). There is another school of thought that connects the feminization of the moon to various gods of water who are often described as passive and continuous (Diop, 2019). While the latter assessment of feminine gods as passive may hold in some cultures, it is worth noting that there is nothing passive about the feminine deities whose stories have been narrated here. These deities are quite non-passive such that their adherents attribute the creation of the entire world to them.

It is also worth noting that across cultures, some feminine deities have been usurped by masculine gods. This has often led to inaccuracies in the documentation of their stories (Diop, 2019). An example is the story of Nyame Amowia, some accounts this deity (see: Edsman, 1955) ascribe masculine attributes to her, however, the fact that the Akan is a matrilineal group might be what gives credibility to the feminine attributes of this deity.

The gender attributes of deities in African Traditional Religions might seem to be trivial when taken at face value, however, gender, as many of us can attest, often determines status in society, among other profound effects. Now, imagine what assigning gender, or even misattributing it, can do for a god its believers.

Sources:

  • Asante, M. K., & Mazama, A. (Eds.). (2009). Encyclopedia of African religion. Thousand Oaks, Calif: SAGE.
  • Atlanta University Center. (2020, July 16). Traditional African Religions: Akan. Atlanta University. Retrieved May 29, 2021, from https://research.auctr.edu/c.php?g=404402&p=2752856
  • Danquah, J. B. (1952). The Culture of Akan. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 22(4), 360–366. Retrieved May 29, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1156919
  • Diop, I. S. (2019). African Mythology, Femininity, and Maternity. Springer Nature.
  • Edsman, C.-M. (1955). The Sacral Kingship / La Regalità Sacra. Rome, Italy: BRILL.
  • Greene, S. E. (2002). Sacred Sites and the Colonial Encounter. Indiana University Press.
  • Ikenga-Metuh, E. (1982). Religious Concepts in West African Cosmogonies: A Problem of Interpretation. Journal of Religion in Africa, Vol. 13 (1982)(1), 11–24. Retrieved May 29, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1581115

The Yoruba Religion Reader

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The Yoruba traditional religion is one of few African religious systems that are known worldwide and have adherents outside of the African Continent. Perhaps, as a result of its popularity outside of the Continent, this African religious system has been the subject of many scholarly articles and books. So much has been written about the traditional belief system of the Yorubas that it almost borders on redundancy to attempt to write something new. For this reason, rather than attempt to create something where so much has been said and done, I have chosen instead to share a list of some articles and books which might be useful to anyone who is curious about the Yoruba belief system.

This list will be updated with new material on the subject periodically. Additionally, if there are any books and scholars you would like to see listed here, please send an email to atreligions@gmail.com.

List of Resources

Abimbola, Wande. Ifá: An Exposition of Ifá Literary Corpus. Oxford University Press, 1976.

Beier, Ulli. Yoruba Myths. CUP Archive, 1980.

Epega, David Onadele. The Mystery of Yoruba Gods. Imọlẹ Oluwa Institute, 1931.

Falola, Toyin, and Ann Genova, editors. Orisa: Yoruba Gods and Spiritual Identity in Africa and the Diaspora. Africa World Press, 2005.

Idowu, E. Bolaji. Olódùmarè: God in Yoruba Belief. Longmans, 1962.

Karade, Ifa. The Handbook of Yoruba Religious Concepts. Weiser Books, 1994.

Olupona, Jacob K. “The Study of Yoruba Religious Tradition in Historical Perspective.” Numen, vol. 40, no. 3, 1993, pp. 240–73. Brill, doi:10.1163/156852793×00176.

Olupona, Jacob K., and Rowland O. Abiodun, Editors. Ifa Divination, Knowledge, Power, and Performance. Indiana University Press, 2016.

Olupona, Jacob K., and Terry Rey, editors. Orisa Devotion as World Religion: The Globalization of Yoruba Religious Culture. University of Wisconsin Press, 2007.

Omosade Awolalu, J. “Yoruba Sacrificial Practice.” J Religion Afr, vol. 5, no. 2, 1973, pp. 81–93. Brill, doi:10.1163/157006673×00069.

Oyèláràn, Ọlásopé O. “Èṣù and Ethics in the Yorùbá World View.” Africa, vol. 90, no. 2, Cambridge University Press (CUP, pp. 377–407, doi:doi: 10.1017/s0001972019001098.

Pemberton, John. “Eshu-Elegba: The Yoruba Trickster God.” African Arts, vol. 9, no. 1, Oct. 1975, p. 20. JSTOR, doi:10.2307/3334976.

Staewen, Christoph. Ifa–African Gods Speak: The Oracle of the Yoruba in Nigeria. Edited by Friderun Schönberg, Lit Verlag, 1996.