Spirit and Nature: An Exploration

Photo: ‘Baobab Yola’ by Laraba Sambe © 2019

Previously, we discussed animism as a worldview that regards every aspect of nature as imbued with, and therefore an extension of, Spirit. This perspective fosters a profound respect for and connection with nature, as seen across diverse animistic traditions worldwide. Building upon that foundation, this piece elaborates on the central belief that nature, as an extension of Spirit, is sacred. It also examines the resulting sense of ecological responsibility—expressed through reciprocity and ritual—that enabled indigenous cultures to thrive in harmony with nature prior to Western imperialism.

The Separation Myth: Nature as Commodity

Life in 2025 is characterized by ongoing confrontations with a range of crises that, although distinct in time and place, collectively signal a profound disconnection between humanity and its spiritual essence. Western imperialism, as a systemic force, has permeated virtually every facet of global society. Today, numerous genocides—widely covered by the media but insufficiently challenged by the international community—serve as stark illustrations of a system that devalues the sanctity of life. Within this paradigm, all life is commodified for profit, and the loss of innocent lives is regarded as an acceptable cost in the relentless pursuit of resources.

Recent mass killings in regions such as Gaza, Sudan, and the Congo are often linked to the exploitation of natural resources by imperialist forces. To facilitate resource extraction, these entities frequently seek to suppress resistance from local populations, who are often indigenous to these areas. As a result, the environment itself becomes central to the broader context of violence and conflict. The large-scale attacks witnessed today reflect a continuation of historical tactics employed by imperial powers against indigenous populations that resisted their operations.

Over time, Western imperialism has continually refined its justifications for dominance. Initially, expansion was framed as the divine right of monarchs. Before that, Christian missionaries felt compelled to spread their faith worldwide. Unfortunately, colonial expansion frequently followed missionary activity, converting colonies into sites for resource extraction by European powers. Consequently, contemporary global power structures are a reflection of the disparities established during the colonial era. While former colonies may no longer be directly exploited for their land and resources, they still experience significant indirect consequences. Today’s global politics constitute a competitive arena in which powerful nations vie for control over land, resources, and markets. Within Western economic frameworks, these resources are considered scarce, and the ongoing struggle for them has perpetuated and intensified imperialistic practices.

Sankofa: Reconnecting with the Spiritual Essence of Nature

Long before the concept of the divine right of kings emerged and before missionaries arrived in indigenous lands, animistic cultures around the world—despite differences in belief—shared a central principle: profound reverence for nature. In these traditions, the Cartesian distinction between Spirit and matter does not exist. Indigenous peoples view themselves as integral to nature, not separate from it. For them, every aspect of life that is not human-made is regarded as an extension of God or Spirit. As Godwin Sogolo (1993) notes, “To the African [Indigenous] mind, reality is one unified whole. What happens to one part of creation reverberates through the entire system.”

The concept of interconnectedness is central to animistic beliefs and, over centuries, has fostered a sense of duty and stewardship for nature within indigenous cultures. Trees, forests, rivers, animals, and soils are not merely resources to be exploited; instead, they are recognized as essential components of the cosmos, imbued with Spirit, and thus regarded as sacred. Unfortunately, colonial missionaries—often agents of imperial expansion—dismissed these beliefs as superstition or, at times, labeled them as witchcraft. As a result, animism and its sophisticated ecological philosophy have largely faded from collective human consciousness (Kimmerle, 2006; Gumo et al., 2012). Now, at a pivotal moment in history, when the consequences of this loss are increasingly apparent, humanity must confront its past and reclaim the sacred knowledge that once enabled harmonious coexistence with the natural world.

The wisdom embedded in animistic practices is extensive. In recent years, modern science and Western academic thought have begun to incorporate animistic principles, particularly in fields such as spiritual ecology, ecofeminism, and environmental conservation. Scholars, theologians, and conservationists increasingly turn to animism as both a philosophical framework and a relational approach to engaging with the natural world—an orientation that may prove vital to humanity’s survival. Distinct aspects of animistic thought and humanity’s relationship with nature have generated significant interest among Western thinkers.

Reciprocity as an Animistic Principle

Reciprocity stands as a fundamental principle in animistic traditions. In “Ontology and Ethics in Cree Hunting,” Colin Scott (2014) explains that, among the Cree—especially hunters who engage with wild animals—reciprocity is rooted in respect. Although the meaning of respect may shift depending on the context and entities involved, it consistently serves as the ethical foundation for all relationships. Scott frames “respectful reciprocity” as the approved way of relating not only between hunters and animals but also between humans and the natural world as a whole.

The importance of reciprocity is deeply embedded in animistic cultures and is manifested in various forms. In Cree mythology, for instance, this idea is woven through cosmological narratives, illustrating how humans received culture, fire, language, and tools from animals who originally possessed them. Scott’s observations of the relationship between Cree hunters and the animals they pursue exemplify how animistic cultures perceive their connection to non-human nature as one of gift exchange (Adloff, 2025). Indigenous animistic traditions emphasize drawing resources from nature while simultaneously giving back, fostering a balanced and enduring exchange between humans and the natural world. These societies demonstrate profound respect for nature and honor the sacred partnerships formed through reciprocal exchanges in hunting and sustenance.

Adloff (2025) asserts that in cultures maintaining reciprocal relationships with nature, the notion of human superiority is inconceivable. Instead, these societies emphasize gratitude for nature’s gifts, recognizing that both humans and nature are components of a unified whole. As Sogolo (1993) notes, ‘what happens to one part of creation reverberates through the entire system.’ The resources offered by nature and the stewardship provided by humans circulate in a continuous cycle that sustains all life. Ultimately, indigenous societies flourish by acknowledging nature’s abundance and reciprocating through responsible care and stewardship of the environment.

The Role of Rituals in Honoring Nature

Within indigenous cultures, rituals are essential for nurturing, preserving, and honoring the connection to the divine and the spirit world. In “Ritual: Power, Healing and Community,” Elder Somé (1993) underscores the significance of rituals, observing that “the abandonment of ritual can be devastating.” He further asserts, “from a spiritual standpoint, ritual is inevitable and necessary if one is to live.” Recognizing this sacred imperative, indigenous societies have formalized their commitment to the Earth through diverse rituals and celebrations that honor the natural world.

In Nigeria, the Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove holds profound importance for the Yoruba people as a site dedicated to the river goddess Osun, who is revered for bestowing fertility, healing, and protection. Annually, the Osun-Osogbo festival draws thousands of Ifa practitioners from around the globe. This multi-day celebration features singing, dancing, prayers, and offerings, honoring a centuries-old covenant between the community and the river. Similarly, rainmaking rituals are prevalent among the Shona people of Zimbabwe. During periods of drought, the Shona convene at sacred hills and riverbanks to invoke ancestral spirits for rain. These ceremonies include millet beer, livestock offerings, and ritual songs, reflecting the belief that rainfall is not guaranteed but is a blessing contingent upon maintaining a harmonious relationship with the land and Spirit.

Even before the spread of Christianity across Europe, indigenous European societies had honored nature through various rituals. The Celts, for example, regarded oak groves and wells as sacred spaces where Druids mediated between humans and the unseen world. Offerings—such as jewelry or weapons—were placed in rivers and lakes as gifts to the deities and spirits believed to inhabit those waters. In Northern Europe, Norse communities revered Yggdrasil, the cosmic tree linking heaven, Earth, and the underworld. At sacred groves and springs, sacrifices were performed to ensure fertility, protection, and balance.

Indigenous cultures across Africa, Europe, and beyond demonstrate deep respect for nature through both personal and communal rituals. These practices extend beyond mere symbolism; they represent continuous, intentional engagement with the natural world and reflect a foundational belief in the interconnectedness and interdependence of all existence. Whether in the groves of Osogbo, the sacred wells of the Celts, or the rain shrines of Zimbabwe, indigenous societies have historically honored nature through ritual. As Mbiti (1969) states, “The physical and the spiritual are but two dimensions of the same universe; ritual ensures they remain in harmony.”

Reclaiming Animism in Contemporary Society

The renewed interest in animism among modern scientists and within Western academic discourse parallels a global revival of animistic practices. In the West, there is a notable resurgence among members of the African diaspora seeking to reconnect with their ancestral heritage, which is inherently animistic and grounded in the recognition of, and respect for, the Spirit that unites humanity and nature. These movements are instrumental in healing the wounds of colonial disruption by fostering spiritual kinship, which, in turn, informs more sustainable ecological practices (Gumo et al., 2012). Similarly, eco-activist Wangari Maathai, founder of the Green Belt Movement, drew profoundly on ancestral reverence for trees as she mobilized women to plant millions across Kenya. Maathai described planting “seeds of peace and hope,” grounded in the belief that humanity cannot achieve peace on an endangered planet.

Animism, as expressed through diverse indigenous cultures worldwide, offers a compelling alternative to Western ecological paradigms. Animistic beliefs approach the Earth as kin rather than as a resource to be exploited. From this vantage point, the crises currently facing our planet—including environmental and climate challenges—are not merely surface-level issues, but manifestations of a profoundly fractured relationship between humanity and Spirit, the essential thread binding us to nature and all living beings.

In conclusion, reengaging with animistic worldviews invites us to reconsider our relationship with the natural world—not as detached observers or exploiters, but as participants in the dynamic and interconnected web of life. By acknowledging the wisdom embedded in indigenous traditions and embracing a sense of reciprocity, respect, and spiritual kinship with nature, we can foster more sustainable and harmonious ways of living. As global challenges intensify, adopting these perspectives offers a hopeful path toward spiritual and, ultimately, ecological restoration for a more balanced and compassionate future for both humanity and the planet.

References

  • Chirikure, S., Nyamushosho, R., Chimhundu, H., Dandara, C., Pamburai, H., & Manyanga, M. (2017). Concept and knowledge revision in the post-colony: Mukwerera, the practice of asking for rain amongst the Shona of southern Africa.
  • Feiler, B. (2014) Sacred Journeys With Bruce Feiler | Osun-Osogbo, PBS.org. Available at: https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/sacredjourneys/content/osun-osogbo/ (Accessed: September 10, 2025).
  • Gumo, S., Gisege, S. O., Raballah, E., & Ouma, C. (2012). Communicating African Spirituality through Ecology: Challenges and Prospects for the 21st Century. Religions, 3(2), 523–543. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel3020523
  • O’Driscoll, D. 2022. “Introduction To Animism: Definitions And Core Practices For Nature Spirituality – The Druids Garden.” The Druids Garden – Spiritual Journeys In Tending The Living Earth, Permaculture, And Nature-Inspired Arts. July 14, 2022. https://thedruidsgarden.com/2022/07/14/introduction-to-animism-definitions-and-core-practices-for-nature-spirituality/.
  • Scott, C. 2014. Ontology and Ethics in Cree Hunting: Animism, Totemism and Practical Knowledge. Edited by Graham Harvey. London: Routledge.
  • Sogolo, G. (1993). Foundations of African Philosophy: A Definitive Analysis of Conceptual Issues in African Thought. Ibadan, Nigeria: Ibadan University Press
  • Somé, M. P. (1997). Ritual: Power, healing, and community. Penguin.
  • Taylor, B. (2013) ‘Kenya’s Green Belt Movement Contributions, Conflict, Contradictions, And Complications In A Prominent Environmental Non-Governmental Organization (Engo)’, in Trägårdh, L., Witoszek, N., and Taylor, B. (eds) Civil Society in the Age of Monitory Democracy. New York: Berghahn Books, pp. 181–207. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1515/9780857457578 (Accessed: September 10, 2025).

Spirit Possession: a return to wholeness?

Sarkin Rafi during a Bori performance in Zaria. Source: (Okagbue, 2008)

This article continues the exploration of spirits in Hausa Animism which was shared in a previous article titled ‘Spirits (Bori/Iskoki) in Hausa Animism‘. In the previous article, we learned that the Hausas believe that spirits were at one point humans who were then condemned to live as spirits, in the unseen world, by god.

The god-made division between the spirit and human siblings had consequences, especially for the human siblings who have to spend much of their lives appeasing their spirit-siblings. The spirit-siblings, according to Sullivan (2005), have had to rely on two main mediums of expressions, “the language of malady, which expresses their displeasure at being ignored or defiled” and “the language of the adept’s body, in which [the] spirits can manifest their otherwise ethereal presence in corporeal form.” Sullivan (2005) argues that spirit possession, or Bori, is a reintegration between the long-separated siblings, which brings about a balance (wholeness) in the wellbeing of the humans who would otherwise be doomed to suffer afflictions.

This piece is an attempt to uncover if and how other belief systems across the continent are similar to Hausa Animism in the belief that humans need to foster relationships with spirits for the sake of their wellbeing and wholeness.

Ngoma: Swahili ( Tanzania)

In Tanzania, spirit possession ceremonies are called Ngoma but, beyond possession rites, they are avenues for the veneration and propitiation of spirits to obtain healing, protection and help to ward off the influence of evil spirits and witchcraft (Giles, 2018). The term Ngoma also refers to various “performance(s), drumming, dancing, celebration, and ritual therapy” (Janzen, 1992). A simple search of the term Ngoma will bring up many results, most of which fail to state that Ngoma is, in fact, first a healing/possession ceremony (Ngoma za kutibu) out of which emerged the now better known and purely entertaining form of the ceremony (Janzen, 1992).

As Janzen (1992) shows in great detail, Ngomas are often an avenue for healing. The typical scenario is this: an individual suffers an ailment of unknown causes, and after a series of consultations with traditional medicine people, it is determined that a specific spirit is responsible for the sickness. At this point, a ceremony holds to appease the spirit. In many cases, the individual becomes an initiate into the cult of the spirit responsible for their ailment.

Ngoma cults have been referred to as “cults of affliction” (Janzen, 1992), perhaps because most new adherents join after being healed from their afflictions. It is worth noting that not all members of these cults suffered ailments before they joined. Both Janzen (1992) and Giles (2018) go into detail about the differences in Ngoma cults across Tanzania. Each region has various spirits they recognize, and in many cases, these spirits are often categorized based on their location (e.g. land and water spirits), their origins (e.g. Kiarabu or spirits of Arab origins, and Kipemba spirits or native Swahili spirits), e.t.c.

So while Ngoma might, in the modern-day, be a form of entertainment, its origins emphasized the role of spirits who are responsible for afflictions from which humans sought healing.

Holle Hori: Songhay (Niger)

The belief in spirits is a central feature in the religious system of the Songhay in Niger. Similar to Swahili, they also have characterizations of spirits based on their origins and some times, race. The more contact they had with foreigners, the more their pantheon of spirits expanded. For instance, the Genji Kwari, or white spirits, were included as they interacted with the Tuareg, who at the time were Islamic dispute arbitrators. Similarly, Hausa spirits (of sickness and death), were included in the Songhay pantheon in the nineteenth century (Stoller, 2010).

The existence of these spirits necessitated a cult of worshippers and possession troupes which often included priests, mediums, singers, and instrumentalists who launched spirit possession ceremonies or Holle Hori and staged rites that allowed the interaction between spirits and humans (Stoller, 2010).

Like in Tanzania, initiates of a particular spirit cult are typically those who have suffered ailments believed to be caused and healed by the spirit a cult is dedicated to. Similarly, and in many cases, it is only after being initiated that the spirit grants reprieve from the afflictions and the new devotee can live in harmony with the spirit. New members into spirit cults are said to “devote a large part of their lives to their spirits; they wear clothes associated with them, make sacrifices to them, and attend possession ceremonies” dedicated to these spirits (Berliner, 2009).

Two Halves of a Whole

Across the spiritual traditions discussed here, we see that humans and spirits seem to have a symbiotic relationship—where the existence of one depends on the other. A thread that connects Bori, Ngoma, and Halle Hori is the belief that humans are each born with an accompanying spirit, who might inflict an affliction on individuals if and when neglected. Any form of healing or respite comes after the spirit has been sought out and appeased. In many cases, these offerings are also initiation rites for the afflicted individual who then becomes a part of the cult dedicated to the spirit that had caused their ailment.

Belief in spirits, as observed in these traditions, have broad implications including. One implication is the conviction that there are forces beyond what human senses can perceive, and that these forces have a locus of influence spanning across every aspect of existence on Earth. As expressed by the fact that most aspects of the natural world have governing spirits, from rain, ailments, trees, animals, rocks and mountains, etc.

In Bori, for instance, we see that totem animals and certain sites (rivers, mountains, hills, trees) are venerated and protected because of their spiritual significance to adherents. As a result of the value placed on these animals and sites, they are often not allowed to be hunted or killed, and the sites are protected because they are holy (Danfulani, 1999).

Another implication of the belief in spirits would be the need to preserve the natural environment while being mindful that the existence of other living things enriches human existence. As seen with Bori, certain animals were sacred because they were totemic spirits, while parts of nature were holy sites because spirits resided there (Danfulani, 1999). Likewise, in Tanzania, we see distinctions between land and water spirits (Janzen, 1992). As a result, it is safe to assume that the behaviour of any people who hold such beliefs would aim at maintaining a balanced relationship with their immediate natural environment because they believe that spirits can and often do, lash out when not propitiated.

Naturally, these implications lead to more questions like, what explanations can be we find in African belief systems for the current state of the world? How would they explain global warming, or the COVID-19 outbreak, or mental health crises, for that matter? Should we be looking to these systems for redemption?

Refrences

Dale, G. (1920). The Peoples of Zanzibar: Their Customs and Religious Beliefs. Universities’ Mission to Central Africa.

Danfulani, U. H. D. (1999). Factors Contributing to the Survival of The Bori Cult in Northern Nigeria. Numen, 46(4), 412–447. https://doi.org/10.1163/1568527991201437

Giles, L. L. (1999). Spirit Possession & the Symbolic Construction of Swahili Society. In H. Heike & U. Luig (Eds.),   Spirit Possession, Modernity, and Power in Africa  . The University of Wisconsin Press.

Giles, L. L. (2018). Translocal Interconnections within the Swahili Spirit World. In F. Declich (Ed.), Translocal Connections across the Indian Ocean Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move. Brill.

Janzen, J. M. (1992). Ngoma Discourses of Healing in Central and Southern Africa. University of California Press. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft3779n8vf&chunk.id=d0e440&toc.depth=100&toc.id=d0e440&brand=ucpress

Luig, U. (1999). Constructing Local Worlds: Spirit Possession in the Gwembe Valley, Zambia. In H. Behrend & U. Luig (Eds.), Spirit Possession, Modernity, and Power in Africa. The University of Wisconsin Press.

Okagbue, O. (2008). Deviants and Outcasts: Power and Politics in Hausa Bori Performances. New Theatre Quarterly, 24(3), 270–280. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x08000328

Stoller, P. (2010). Fusion of the Worlds. University of Chicago Press.

Sullivan, J. (2005). Exploring Bori as a Site of Myth in Hausa Culture. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 17(2), 271–282. https://doi.org/10.1080/13696850500448378